Obamacare survived the first year of President Donald Trump, but it’s badly damaged.
The sweeping Republican tax bill on the verge of final passage would repeal the individual mandate in 2019, potentially taking millions of people out of the health insurance market. On top of that, the Trump administration has killed some subsidies, halved the insurance enrollment period, gutted the Obamacare marketing campaign, and rolled out a regulatory red carpet for skimpy new health plans that will change the insurance landscape in ways that are harmful to former President Barack Obama’s signature health care law.
None of these individually represent a death blow. But in aggregate, the past year adds up to a slow, stealthy erosion of the law.
A Republican plan to replace Obamacare will not be voted on this week, effectively signalling its collapse.
The party leadership said the bill would not come to the Senate floor after a third “no” vote emerged.
Susan Collins said she could not back the “deeply flawed” bill, despite a call from President Donald Trump and promises of money for her state.
It was a major blow for the president and Republican leadership, who have made Obamacare’s repeal a top priority.
Republican senators tried to gather more support on Monday for a last-ditch attempt to repeal Obamacare by revising funding provisions of their bill to make it more attractive to a handful of undecided lawmakers.
The outcome remained in doubt, with several senators in the party voicing concerns in recent days about the legislation to dismantle Democratic former President Barack Obama’s signature healthcare law.
Republican senators leading the effort on Monday released a revised version of their bill in hopes of finding more support.
The latest Republican proposal to undo the Affordable Care Act would grant states much greater flexibility and all but guarantee much greater uncertainty for tens of millions of people.
The legislation, proposed by two Senate Republicans, Lindsey Graham of South Carolina and Bill Cassidy of Louisiana, would not only reduce the amount of federal funding for coverage over the next decade, but would also give states wide leeway to determine whom to cover and how. The result is a law that would be as disruptive as many of the Republicans’ previous proposals, but whose precise impact is the hardest to predict.
Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell said Tuesday he is preparing to bring before the full Senate a comprehensive repeal of the Affordable Care Act — but Republican support for his plan quickly began to erode.
Three Republicans senators — all women who were left out of the core group who met to write the first draft of the Senate’s health care bill — have already come out against the move.
Sen. Lisa Murkowski, R-Alaska, was the fateful third, effectively killing the effort to repeal Obamacare without an alternative.
“I said in January we should not repeal without a replacement and just an indefinite hold on this just creates more chaos and confusion,” Murkowski told reporters.
In the wake of the Congressional Budget Office’s analysis of the Republican Senate majority’s proposal to overhaul the Affordable Care Act, an interesting argument has emerged. The millions of dollars in reduced spending on Medicaid that the Republican bill proposes aren’t actually cuts to Medicaid, because Medicaid spending still goes up.
Senate Republicans unveiled their newest health care bill Thursday as they continue to search for the majority needed to repeal and replace Obamacare.
The new bill includes major changes to the original. One of the most significant was the inclusion of an amendment by Texas Sen. Ted Cruz, which would allow insurers offering Obamacare plans to also offer cheaper, bare-bones policies. The amendment was included in an effort to earn more conservative support, but could also drive away some moderates who fear the amendment could drive up premiums for those with pre-existing conditions.
As we prepare for the coming week of Democratic senators leveling charges of mass homicide against their colleagues, it seems worth asking a few questions, like “Is it true that this bill will kill people?” And “If it’s so deadly, how can Republicans possibly get it passed?” Voters don’t like taxes much, to be sure. But most of them are, I think, even less fond of death.
First, then, the score itself. How reliable is it? Unfortunately, this score has the same problems that plagued the Congressional Budget Office’s score of the House bill: Its estimates of the number of uninsured, while undoubtedly made in good faith, seem rather implausibly large. However little liberals may like this bill when they compare it to Obamacare, when compared to the pre-Obamacare status quo ante, it offers many billions of dollars’ worth of subsidies for health insurance — premium tax credits for people buying insurance in the individual market, and substantial funds to insurers and states in order to stabilize the market.
It seems hard to believe, as the CBO predicts, that the net result will be almost no reduction in the number of uninsured people, relative to what you’d get if Obamacare was simply repealed and replaced with nothing.
Senate Majority Whip John Cornyn said Wednesday that the Senate will pass a plan to repeal and replace Obamacare before Congress leaves on its annual August recess.
In an interview on KFYO’s “The Chad Hasty Show,” the Texas Republican was asked if the Senate could get a repeal and replace plan by the end of the year done.
“Oh, absolutely,” Cornyn said. “We’ll get it done by the end of July at the latest.”
Cornyn said he suspects the upper chamber will resolve the health care issue “in the next few weeks” and that lawmakers have “no choice” but to tackle it since, he said, “Obamacare is in meltdown.”